Ikats of Central Asia

Megan Jacobs and Olivia Goldfine

This report of the ikat production of Central Asia was primarily based upon the information found within the book, Ikat: silks of central asia, by Kate Fitz Gibbon and Andrew Hale, which is a catalogue of the Guido Goldman Collection, the world's largest private collection of ikats and provides a historical account of the development of ikats in Central Asia. In addition to this reference, material was gathered from the ikat exhibition in the Jewish Museum in New York City, where over forty ikats from the Goldman collection were on display in the spring of 1999.

Various aspects of the ikat production of Central Asia will be included in this report. A description of ikats will be followed by additional background information regarding historical circumstances which led to the production of ikats in Central Asia. Then the ikat creators will be discussed as well as the process of making an ikat. In conclusion, the decline of Central Asia's ikat production will be explained.

What is an ikat?

Ikat is an ancient technique involving the preparation of threads through a process of tying, binding, and dyeing. "The Malay-Indonesian word ikat derives from the verb mengikat, which means ‘to bind, tie or wind around'". The ikat technique is a process in which the warp is marked with a resist, tied with pieces of fabric, and then dyed, and this sequence of steps is performed repeatedly. The desired result of the dyeing and retying processes is an elaborate multi-colored warp. Finally, the patterned warp is woven with the undyed weft on a loom and a colorful tapestry is produced.

How were ikats used in Central Asia?

The ikats of Central Asia had many uses; the most common was for clothing. Ikats were often made into robes which were part of the common attire in Central Asia for both women and men. The ikat robes were regarded as a status symbol; the number of layered robes a person wore indicated his or her wealth. The bright colors of the ikat robes are said to have promoted a feeling of festivity and celebration to the otherwise bleak Central Asian terrain. Ikats had other uses, such as wall hangings, prayer rugs, furniture coverings, trade goods, gifts of honor, and dowry offerings. Although ikats are extremely beautiful, the designs and patterns are aesthetic, not symbolic. Many sources, such as carpet weavings, religious prayer rugs, natural forms, and Islamic beliefs influenced the designs and patterns in the ikats.

Where in Central Asia were ikats made?

The process of making ikats has been found in many cultures around the world in addition to Central Asia, such as Afghanistan, Nepal, Greece, Morocco, Mexico, Pakistan, Thailand, Japan, and China (Online Shi-Bo-Ri Japan Museum). The Central Asian cities that are most well known for their designs of ikats are Bukhara and Samarkand as well as the towns located in the Ferghana Valley. These cities are centers for textile manufacturing, carpet weaving, and the production of ikats. The region in which these cities are located is famous for its silk-weaving abilities and its production of unique designs called "abr".

Historically, what events led to the production of ikats in Central Asia?

This region of Central Asia has great historical significance due to its strategic location. In the second century BCE, this area was a "direct route between China and the Roman world" and as a result, it was introduced to Chinese silk at an early period. China would give its skeins of silk to the weavers of Central Asia to be woven into tapestries. For hundreds of years, the Chinese kept their silkworms and their reeling process a secret, but eventually during the fourth century BCE, the "Chinese prohibition on the export of silkworms became ineffectual". The Chinese were not able to hide their sought-after secret, and silkworm cocoons were smuggled into Central Asia. Once the Central Asians attained silkworm cocoons, they were able to produce their own silk. Soon thereafter, Central Asia was producing vast amounts of their own silk textiles. The events of the eighteenth century left Central Asia in a weak economic condition and as a result, this crisis spurred the production of ikats. During this period, Bukhara, which had formerly been a "center of international trade," lost its economic support from its neighboring countries. For example, China tried to stop the amount of tapestries and fabrics that were entering the country by "reduc[ing] the number of Central Asian caravans entering its borders". Furthermore, due to "internal warfare", Central Asia was deemed an unsafe area and as a result, the number of foreign buyers decreased. These events had an enormous effect on the economic welfare of Central Asia.

When was the most productive time for the ikat process in Central Asia?

During the nineteenth century the production of ikats was at its height. Ikats continue to be made today, but it was "during a hundred-year-long cultural and economic revival in the oasis kingdoms, [that] ikat dyeing became the most active, sophisticated and widely distributed textile art in Central Asia". Central Asia's relations with other countries enabled the development of this textile technique. During this time, Central Asia, which for centuries had depended upon its trade of textiles with other countries, "lack[ed] strong commercial and cultural ties with either the Far East or the West". Central Asia stopped depending upon other countries for support. The people focused on their own culture, and as result, the art of the ikat technique was created and later perfected. Central Asia was "look[ing] inward, and discover[ing] an entirely new art founded on ancient traditions". Weaving and textile art had for many centuries been part of the Central Asian culture, but the development of the ikat technique helped augment a unique identity for this region.

Who was responsible for making ikats in the Central Asia society?

The development of the ikat technique in Central Asia was aided by the extensive cross-cultural exchanges of people, ideas, and their assorted skills in this center of international trade. This area has been described as being a "funnel for goods, people, and ideas from the furthest edges of the known world". This amalgamation of people and their diverse cultural backgrounds prompted the production of ikats. The women of Central Asia were the sericulturalists and the men were responsible for the wrapping, dyeing, and tying of the warp, as well as, for the weaving. At the age of fourteen to twenty, boys could became apprentices to master weavers. Masters usually trained one or two apprentices for a period ranging up to ten years. During their time with their masters, the apprentices were given housing, food, and a nominal stipend, in addition to instruction. Apprentices usually worked for their master for many years until they could save enough money to host a huge feast for all the respected officials of the ikat guilds in the area. An apprentice could not graduate on to the role of a weaver or master until the completion of this social passage.

Where were the ikats woven?

Once an apprentice hosted a grand banquet for his superiors, he had several employment opportunities. The apprentice could either work independently in his own home or he could join a larger organization such as a guild or workshop. Guilds were fairly large organizations which had a fellow weaver who acted as a representative for the workers. The representative of the guild was elected by his or her co-workers, and was called a Baba in men's workshops and a Kaivoni in the women's workshops. Babas and Kaivonis had numerous responsibilities, among them, enforcing statutes, mediating conflicts between the masters and workers, setting prices for wholesale, maintaining dorms for out-of-town weavers, and helping immigrants find work. They also had the ability to stage boycotts if they felt the master was being unfair to his weavers. A Golib was also elected from the literate members of the guild. This person was in charge of the risola, a sacred document that outlined the history and development of ikats. The Golib organized rites, ritual offerings, and festivals to please the craft's holy patrons.

Another employment opportunity for apprentices was to work in a weaving shop. The weaving workshops started out as small operations, comprised of a master and his disciples, but with the advent of powerful merchant entrepreneurs the workshops grew in size. The role of the master evolved into one of supervisor; masters became more authoritative and strict. There were no Babas, Kaivonis, or Golibs in the larger workshops, and subsequently, the workers were treated with less respect. The workers were given a lump sum of money before they began to work in an establishment, as well as a minimal stipend throughout the duration of their employment. This payment system was disadvantageous for the workers because from the beginning they were in debt to their masters. The workers were enslaved to their masters until their debt was paid in full, in the form of finished textiles. Masters were leery of their workers and were quick to reprimand them if they misbehaved. If the workers rebelled against the wishes of the master then they were confined to a restricted area for forty days. This place of repentance was usually centered around a mosque or a graveyard, where the weaver was forced to either pray or die. If the punishment of the initial crime was violated, the insurgent's debt would be doubled. As a result, the worker would have had to produce twice as many textiles in order to repay the initial monetary sum. Although these workshops were inhumane, many independent weavers who had formerly worked out of their homes eventually had to succumb to Central 's economic pressures and join a workshop. These workshops were economically more stable than the home weavers' business due to their vast productivity and size. The advantages of the workshops were that they guaranteed work and consistent pay.

Did social division exist among the workers in the workshops and guilds?

The diversity of the Central Asian population infiltrated into the production of ikats. Similar to the social segregation between the workshop masters and their employees, other forms of social division occurred in various aspects of the ikat production. In the dyeing process, the work was distributed according to race. During the nineteenth century in Central Asia, the predominant religion was Muslim. Jews also inhabited this region; however, they were in the minority. The Muslims considered the Jews to be "dhimmi" or "outsiders with protected status within the Muslim state" and as a result, they had to abide by set restrictions and their power was limited. They were afforded rights of religious observance and could own property, but they were restricted to living and working in certain Jewish settlements. The Jewish people were limited to wearing woolen or cotton garments in the presence of Muslims, but they would often wear silk within their own homes. It is important to note that although the Muslims and Jews had different religious beliefs and lifestyles, the role of ikats in their daily lives was similar. The production of ikats allowed "individuals within the majority Muslim and minority Jewish population [to ally] their talents" or work together to create an ikat?The Jews were able to maintain an economically viable life because they dominated all aspects of silk trade and controlled the dyeing process as well. The process of dyeing was considered to be the lowest possible profession, lower than those who worked with dead animals or garbage. The reason for this scorn from society was that the dyers' hands were perpetually stained. In this culture where people ate with their hands from a communal food dish, stained hands were seen as unhygienic and offensive. The Muslims' disdain for the dye craft and trade permitted the Jews to dominate these occupations. The Jews were successful in the dye trade because they were the only ones able to obtain the rich and rare indigo blue dye. The Jewish merchants controlled this trade because they "were willing to risk their lives and fortunes on the seas and the caravan roads to expand trade". This trade was facilitated by "a network of Jewish merchants [which] extended from North Africa into southern India, where there were substantial Jewish communities". Herati Jews bought the indigo dye from Baghdadi Jewish merchants in India. The dyes were then transported by pack animals over the mountains of Afghanistan into Central Asia.

How were ikats created and what materials were used to make them?

The ikats of Central Asia were made from numerous materials, such as silk, cotton, satin, and velvet. The most common material used for ikats was a combination of both cotton and silk. This blend of materials was primarily used for ikat robes and other tapestries. Often, the insides of the ikat robes were lined with imitation "oriental" fabric from European countries. Silk and velvet ikats, on the other hand, were extremely expensive and were used primarily as dowry garments. The procedure of making an ikat is very intricate and lengthy. The majority of the ikats in Central Asia used silk in their thread; hence silk had to be produced and later harvested. The Central Asians' methods of collecting silk and reeling it into skeins are nearly identical to those of the ancient Chinese. Once the silk was reeled, the material was divided into the warp and weft. The first step in the process of making an ikat is the preparation of the warp. In the Central Asian ikat process, "only one of the two interlacing yarn systems, the warp, is resist-dyed before weaving; the weft, which interlaces with the warp, is unpatterned". First, the warp is boiled in a "potash solution" in order to whiten it, then it is stretched and dried. Next, it is laid out in the streets in order for workers to inspect it for broken threads. After this process, the warp is taken to an "abr-bandi" or an "ikat-binding" shop. At the "abr-bandi" the warp is put on a frame and a design is marked on it by a "nishanzan" or "master designer" with charcoal which works as a resist against the penetration of dyes. In the nineteenth century, the "nishanzans" were highly skilled craftsmen who memorized hundreds of patterns and drew them all by freehand. After the "nishanzan" completed marking the design, the designated areas of the warp were tied with pieces of cotton to prevent the dye from penetrating through them. The warp was then sent to the dye house. The most prevalent colors found in central Asian ikats are red, yellow, and indigo-blue. Often there would be separate dye houses for the various colors; the hot dyeing, for red, orange, and yellow, would occur in one place, and the cold dyeing for blues, purples, and browns would occur in another. After the dyeing of each color, the warp would return to the "abr-bandi" and it would be retied and restretched before the dyeing of the next color. This dyeing technique was a very lengthy process because of the layering of dyes. In order to get colors such as purple and brown, the warp had to be dyed repeatedly. "The most prestigious and expensive type of early ikat fabric was the richly colored haft-rang, or seven-color ikat" which required numerous dyeings in order to attain all seven colors. After the dyeing was completed, the warp was brought to the harness shop where it was placed through the loops of the wooden harness and blades of the reed. Once the warp, weft, and frame ensemble was prepared, this bundle was ready to go to the weavers' shop to be made into fabric. For the adras ikats, and other cotton and silk blended textiles, the patterned warp and undyed weft were woven into a design by using a simple "warp-weighted" loom. "Adras" ikats were "plain weave (also known as tabby) fabrics with at silk warp and a cotton weft". This "plain weave" process of weaving was done primarily during the early nineteenth century. In Central Asia, ikat warps were woven into panels 10-24 inches in width. After an individual ikat panel was woven, it was cut from the loom, beaten with a wooden mallet, and treated with egg whites in order to give it a reflective sheen. Typically five panels were pieced and sewed together to make a wall hanging or textile with the approximate dimensions of 73"x 54". This patchwork technique accounts for the horizontal white lines that run across parts of the completed ikat. Central Asians were interested in the aesthetics of the colors and patterns represented in the ikats. They were not concerned about matching the panels when the pieces were sewn together. "The roots of all Central Asian art are clearly stated within her textiles: abstraction from nature, emphatic and defined color, vigorous line, a love of pattern". The Central Asians were influenced by Islamic ideals; representational forms were not depicted in art and perfection was understood to be unattainable. "The emphasis on ornament and surface within the Islamic art is an inherent part of fabric design" . The designs and patterns used in the Central Asian "abr" process closely followed the Islamic aesthetics used in carpets and other textiles.

Why did the production of ikats in Central Asia diminish after the nineteenth century?

During the nineteenth century, ikat production was at its height, but by the twentieth century, the number of ikats being made tapered off dramatically. The production of ikats in Central Asia diminished for numerous reasons, primarily due to external forces. Surrounding countries had a great influence on the production of ikats in Central Asia. Russia in particular was vying for power in the textile industry, but was at a disadvantage because its material came from Egypt and the United States rather than from within its own borders. It was unable to produce its own materials for textiles, and regarded the Khanates region, or the expansive land now known as Central Asia, as an ideal location in which to produce cotton for its textile industry.- Since the Khanates region was comprised of numerous warring kingdoms, the Russians were easily able to assume their control. The Russians further divided the Khanate region by creating boundaries which split "traditional ethnic and political alignments and severely weakened resistance movements" (Gibbon, Hale 110). By 1875, the Khanates ikat industry had collapsed completely due to the Russian takeover. All the goods produced in this region were now contributed to the Russian National economy. Furthermore, the production of silk dwindled due to the emphasis on cotton production in Central Asia. This historical event altered the course of the Central Asian ikat production forever. The culture and economy of Central Asia were weakened and the production of ikats diminished. The ikats of the nineteenth century are a reminder of the vital relationship that existed between silk manufacturing and the Central Asia culture. This ikat technique fostered a partnership that helped to unite Muslims and Jews. It encouraged a freedom of expression among these people which crossed cultural and religious boundaries. The ikats of Central Asia are part of a historical movement of silk textile manufacturing which has been found in numerous countries and cultures around the world. The unique designs, patterns, and colors of the Central Asian ikat make these textiles unique from all others.

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